On Sunday, two protests were scheduled to take place in downtown Beirut. The city is well-acquainted with recurring manifestations of political will but this time it was different: The two protests concerned Syria and represented pro- and anti-Bashar al-Assad camps. What’s more, the anti-Assad protest was run by Lebanese Salafis, marking the first time the Islamic group led a political demonstration in Beirut. Their presence was upsetting the usual pro-resistance March 8 / pro-Western March 14 political divide that governs most issues in Lebanon.
As F. and I neared Martyrs' Square in our service on this brisk-yet-sunny afternoon, tension in the neighborhood was palpable. Our driver tried to negotiate a 1,000LL “Salafi fee” for taking us so close to the protests. Pro-Assad regime Alawites and pro-rebel Salafis have been fighting in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli in recent weeks, hence the apprehension of many Lebanese regarding the presence of Salafis in the capital and the possibility of a clash between rival protesters. The streets were eerily empty in this posh part of town, and it felt very strange to see tanks so close to the sleek, fancy buildings and high-end brand stores.
We wandered first to the Ba’th party supporters. The assembly — mainly Syrians, we were told — was dancing the dabke to joyful music, brandishing Syrian flags and posters of Bashar al-Assad. We had a hard time believing this was a political movement in support of a man responsible for the deaths of so many of his fellow citizens, the atmosphere feeling more like a family-friendly block party. The chanted slogans that were translated to us* included: “Our souls and blood belong to Bashar al-Assad”; “Down with the Syrian National Council”; critiques of the Salafis; reminders of the unbreakable bond between Lebanon and Syria. These demonstrators were separated from the other protesters by curls of barbed wired piled at about adult height and men dressed in the type of attire reminiscent of the French CRS riot police. F. and I felt out of place as casual observers not partaking in the celebration, and I was secretly happy to be wearing sunglasses and a hoodie; this was not quite the political crowd I wanted to be identified with in photographs.
We then walked over to the Salafi, pro-rebel demonstration to see what the ambiance was like there, even though we had missed the speech by Salafi leader sheikh Ahmad al-Assir. On this side, it was men in camouflage fatigues—military, presumably— monitoring the protesters, stopping some men for frisking before letting them join the manifestation. At this point, few Salafis in full-beard and cap were left, but there were still 200 or so people chanting. On this side of the divide in downtown, the tone was very different. Some of the chants we heard there* were more religious: “Our souls and blood belong to Hama and Homs”; “To paradise we martyrs will go in millions”; “Death to Assad and Nasrallah”—Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah being the leader of Hezbollah, which has positioned itself in favor of the Syrian government.
We struck up a conversation with a small group of twenty-somethings standing a little apart from the marching crowd. They said they were Syrians studying in Beirut. When asked what they thought of the day’s protests, one of the women said she was happy people were showing up in support of the Syrian rebels, but that she could understand the unease at this event being held by Salafis. “Today’s protest has been very religious, and a lot of Christians in Syria are afraid that if Assad is toppled, these are the kind of people who will take over,” she told us.
Despite, or perhaps because of, the intense security apparatus, there was no open confrontation on Martyrs' Square. The Salafi-led procession marched away from the other protest and scattered peacefully.
Salafis have become the latest "group to watch"—so to speak—in the region. Their participation in the new Egyptian government has proved problematic even for the Muslim Brotherhood majority. It’s still too soon to tell what the repercussions will be to their growing political presence in Lebanon, but there is a sense of apprehension at the possible consequences of the Syrian conflict here. The unease regarding these Sunni fundamentalists in Lebanon is perhaps one of the few points March 14ers and Hezbollah can agree on. Only time will tell how things will play out here.
For fuller, more comprehensive coverage of Sunday’s events, you can read this al-Akhbar article or this article from Now Lebanon on the speeches we missed.
* Unfortunately, my Arabic is not good enough to understand what people were saying in these demonstrations, so we had to rely on helpful passers-by to translate for us; so I can’t vouch for the 100 percent accuracy of these translations.
As F. and I neared Martyrs' Square in our service on this brisk-yet-sunny afternoon, tension in the neighborhood was palpable. Our driver tried to negotiate a 1,000LL “Salafi fee” for taking us so close to the protests. Pro-Assad regime Alawites and pro-rebel Salafis have been fighting in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli in recent weeks, hence the apprehension of many Lebanese regarding the presence of Salafis in the capital and the possibility of a clash between rival protesters. The streets were eerily empty in this posh part of town, and it felt very strange to see tanks so close to the sleek, fancy buildings and high-end brand stores.
We wandered first to the Ba’th party supporters. The assembly — mainly Syrians, we were told — was dancing the dabke to joyful music, brandishing Syrian flags and posters of Bashar al-Assad. We had a hard time believing this was a political movement in support of a man responsible for the deaths of so many of his fellow citizens, the atmosphere feeling more like a family-friendly block party. The chanted slogans that were translated to us* included: “Our souls and blood belong to Bashar al-Assad”; “Down with the Syrian National Council”; critiques of the Salafis; reminders of the unbreakable bond between Lebanon and Syria. These demonstrators were separated from the other protesters by curls of barbed wired piled at about adult height and men dressed in the type of attire reminiscent of the French CRS riot police. F. and I felt out of place as casual observers not partaking in the celebration, and I was secretly happy to be wearing sunglasses and a hoodie; this was not quite the political crowd I wanted to be identified with in photographs.
We then walked over to the Salafi, pro-rebel demonstration to see what the ambiance was like there, even though we had missed the speech by Salafi leader sheikh Ahmad al-Assir. On this side, it was men in camouflage fatigues—military, presumably— monitoring the protesters, stopping some men for frisking before letting them join the manifestation. At this point, few Salafis in full-beard and cap were left, but there were still 200 or so people chanting. On this side of the divide in downtown, the tone was very different. Some of the chants we heard there* were more religious: “Our souls and blood belong to Hama and Homs”; “To paradise we martyrs will go in millions”; “Death to Assad and Nasrallah”—Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah being the leader of Hezbollah, which has positioned itself in favor of the Syrian government.
We struck up a conversation with a small group of twenty-somethings standing a little apart from the marching crowd. They said they were Syrians studying in Beirut. When asked what they thought of the day’s protests, one of the women said she was happy people were showing up in support of the Syrian rebels, but that she could understand the unease at this event being held by Salafis. “Today’s protest has been very religious, and a lot of Christians in Syria are afraid that if Assad is toppled, these are the kind of people who will take over,” she told us.
Despite, or perhaps because of, the intense security apparatus, there was no open confrontation on Martyrs' Square. The Salafi-led procession marched away from the other protest and scattered peacefully.
Salafis have become the latest "group to watch"—so to speak—in the region. Their participation in the new Egyptian government has proved problematic even for the Muslim Brotherhood majority. It’s still too soon to tell what the repercussions will be to their growing political presence in Lebanon, but there is a sense of apprehension at the possible consequences of the Syrian conflict here. The unease regarding these Sunni fundamentalists in Lebanon is perhaps one of the few points March 14ers and Hezbollah can agree on. Only time will tell how things will play out here.
For fuller, more comprehensive coverage of Sunday’s events, you can read this al-Akhbar article or this article from Now Lebanon on the speeches we missed.
* Unfortunately, my Arabic is not good enough to understand what people were saying in these demonstrations, so we had to rely on helpful passers-by to translate for us; so I can’t vouch for the 100 percent accuracy of these translations.
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